Salzburg, 2 March 2026 – On Saturday, 28 March 2026 at 15:00, a demonstration for a free Europe and against permanent internal European border controls will take place at the Salzburg–Freilassing border crossing.

At a time when national unilateral approaches threaten Europe’s stability and cohesion, we stand for pragmatic, Europe-wide solutions. Border controls between Bavaria and Salzburg, carried out daily by the German federal government, lead to chronic traffic congestion, problems for commuters, and burdens for regional exchange – without solving the political challenges they are meant to address.

Rico Winter, Co-President of Volt Austria:

“The traffic jams at the border are a daily reality for commuters. We need a policy that sees borders not as obstacles, but as opportunities for cooperation. A policy that strengthens Europe instead of dividing it.”

Europe Needs European Solutions

We emphasize this again and again: free internal European borders are an essential element of European integration – and at the same time, the challenges we face must be addressed across borders. Only with a strong, democratic European Union can we:

• develop a fair, humane, and coordinated migration policy,

• strengthen shared security structures such as Frontex,

• and at the same time preserve freedom of movement within Europe.

Instead of national solo approaches, we need genuine reform of EU institutions in order to solve shared problems together. Volt advocates for political solutions that do not stop at national borders but are shaped at the European level – whether in migration, climate protection, digitalization, or security.

For a Solidary, Democratic Europe

Open borders are not a luxury, but a cornerstone of Europe’s peace order. Especially in regions like Salzburg–Freilassing, where daily life is lived across borders, it becomes clear: isolation creates problems, not solutions.

We call for:

• stronger protection of the EU’s external borders, including legal pathways for refugees, humanitarian support, and entry controls coordinated through Frontex,

• a jointly coordinated security system instead of uncoordinated national controls,

• and a strong European democracy in which people can actively participate in decision-making.

We invite everyone to join the demonstration and stand together for an open, fair, and united Europe. Because Europe’s future will not be decided at barrier gates – but through cooperation.

For questions regarding Volt in Salzburg, please contact:

salzburg@voltoesterreich.org

For interview requests and further information, please contact:

presse@voltoesterreich.org

On the fourth anniversary of Russia's attack on Ukraine, which violated international law, the pan-European party Volt stands firmly alongside Ukraine and calls for Hungary to be stripped of its voting rights in order to finally end Viktor Orbán's policy of blocking sanctions against Russia.

For four years, Ukraine has been defending not only its own country, but also the fundamental values of our continent: freedom, democracy and the right to decide its own future. Four years of suffering, destruction and loss, but also four years of impressive steadfastness and unbroken hope.

For Volt, one thing is clear: our solidarity with Ukraine is irrevocable. The Ukrainian people are part of our European family. Their struggle is also our struggle, because supporting Ukraine also ensures our own security in Austria and Europe.

Europe must finally start thinking about security and defence as a whole. We need a European army!

says Rico Winter, co-president of Volt Austria.

Austria and Europe have assumed responsibility. But this responsibility does not end there. We must continue to support Ukraine politically, economically, humanitarily and militarily. For as long as necessary and as effectively as possible.

This also includes maintaining consistent pressure on the Russian regime. Sanctions are necessary and must be enforced quickly. It is unacceptable that individual governments are blocking Europe's ability to act.

We therefore call for the abolition of the unanimity principle on key foreign and security policy issues, clear consequences for governments that block European decisions, including the withdrawal of voting rights for Viktor Orbán's Hungary, and a clear call on Slovakia to stop blindly supporting Hungary's blockade policy.

If individual governments continue to sabotage common European interests, further steps, including possible exclusion from the EU as a last resort, must be considered.

At the same time, Europe needs the courage to finally take action. Volt demands:

• the seizure of frozen Russian assets

• massive investment in European and Ukrainian defence capabilities

• a clear perspective for Ukraine's accession to the EU.

Four years of war must not dull our senses. They must shake us awake.

Europe stands together – today more than ever.
For Ukraine. For freedom. For our shared future.

About Volt

Volt is the pan-European political movement working for a united, sustainable Europe. With policies based on innovation, sustainability and social justice, Volt focuses on concrete solutions that draw on European best practices and are adapted to national circumstances. Volt advocates for a modern, cosmopolitan society in which the challenges of the future are tackled together and without ideological barriers.

We have talked before about why we need a European Army. NATO, which keeps us safe from outside threats, doesn't work without the US. But the US is currently unreliable at best, and an enemy at worst. If Greenland or the Baltics were attacked tomorrow, Europe would not be prepared with 27 divided little armies. Europe is a peace project, and peace must be defended. To protect our shared freedom, prosperity, and a positive future, we need to deter those who want to destroy it. In the long run, integrated armed forces would also save hundreds of billions of euros from fragmentation, make our forces more effective in the field, and solidify Europe's geopolitical position in an increasingly unstable world. 

A growing majority of Europeans now want a European Army instead of national armies.

The European Commissioner for Defence has said that Europe needs 100,000 common troops and a ''big bang'' on how defence is governed: not 27 little armies but one defence force that can keep us all safe. Some Member States, like Spain, are also openly in favour.

So European citizens, experts and officials agree that we need a European Army.

But how would such a European Army actually look like?

Let's first see what we need to achieve. Experts agree on the three most critical urgencies to replace the US role in NATO and build the European defence autonomy:

• Leadership. We lack a unified command and control structure that can direct our forces with homegrown infrastructure, doctrines, and exercises.

• Forces. We have a gap of around 300,000 soldiers that are actually ready to respond to any aggression, with harmonised equipment, culture and training.

• Capabilities. We lack the key capabilities, so called ''strategic enablers'' to make those troops fight effectively, like intelligence, surveillance and logistics.

This is not a choice between NATO or a European Army. We want to make sure NATO works properly with a European pillar, which is best achieved through an autonomous European Defence Union. Think of it this way: the US currently provides most of its contributions to NATO under US European Command. We want to build a European counterpart to that.

Finally, the EU cannot do this alone. Ukraine in particular can fill critical gaps in our readiness with its large, battle-hardened military, and innovative technologies. Partners like the UK, Norway, Canada and EU candidate countries will also be essential. How do we get this in order, the quickest, sustainable and most effective way possible? Let's take it in three steps, from most urgent to most future-proof: NATO, EDU, and the European Army.

Step one: Make NATO Trump-proof through European leadership

We have to accept that we cannot immediately replace the US security umbrella. But we need an emergency plan in case the US suddenly leaves NATO. You don't want to order a brand-new fire extinguisher online when your house is on fire; you want to use the old and ugly one, even if you need to fix its missing parts with duct tape. NATO has decades of experience in organising collective defence in Europe. If we start from scratch, Russia will exploit the transition period to strike Europe while it's disorganised. Besides: NATO will continue to be the best framework for a future autonomous European Defence to work together with our allies. So, what can we do to make NATO work better for us?

• Replace NATO's Supreme Allied Commander (SACEUR), and its operational and tactical component commands, with European officers. This process is already underway but needs to be accelerated. NATO's Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers Europe (SHAPE) should also be staffed by more European personnel.

• Replace US situational awareness and battlefield management systems with our own, for example by scaling up Ukraine's ''DELTA'' system. This applies to all the digital hardware and software we use to keep our militaries running. 

• Set up a "fusion cell" for intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance (ISR) so that we at least have the eyes and ears to know what our enemies are doing. This is perhaps our most critical dependency on the US, especially in the context of Ukraine. National intelligence agencies that trust each other can pool their assets.

• Replace, as much as possible, the US extended nuclear deterrent by pooling the British and French nuclear deterrents. We can never fully replace the US, nor should we want to. The Northwood Declaration is a good starting point; make it clear that France and the UK consider all of the European Union as their common vital interest and develop delivery platforms that are independent of the US.

• Create pooled strategic enablers, procured, maintained and operated as one. Precedents for this already exist, like NATO's AWACS, the European Air Transport Command (EATC) and the Multinational Multi-Role Tanker Transport Fleet (MMF).

• Replace the 100,000 strong US rapid reaction force in Europe with a multinationally generated European force, building on existing NATO multinational units. Non-frontline states with large, non-committed standing forces could take the lead. National brigades fight under a common command. The rest of Europe can help finance, equip and base the force. This would be a permanent, standing force, not ineffective ad-hoc units like the EU Battlegroups.

• Make sure Ukraine wins and accelerate candidate countries' EU membership. The best way to ''buy time'' for Europe to get its defence in order is by making sure Russia loses its imperial war. Beyond this, EU membership can serve as a security guarantee and protect other countries that will join the European family.

Step two: Build a core European Defence Union with a group of willing countries

Europeanising NATO is not sufficient in the long run. Europeans might not always want to or be able to use NATO for operations. For example, what if an EU Member State that is not part of NATO is attacked, or attacked by another NATO state? It would also allow us to provide security guarantees in Ukraine with European boots on the ground. But getting 27 squabbling EU countries to merge their national armies into a European Army will take a lot of time and effort. Some, like Hungary, will actively obstruct, while others, like Ireland and Austria, maintain a neutral policy. Bigger countries are willing and able to do more. So, in the medium term, it's best to set up a kind of a start-up for the military: on top of national armies, and only by those who want to participate. More can join over time, so that it becomes an EU-wide policy, just like the successful examples of Schengen and the Euro. National parliaments stay in control, and no treaty change is required to make it happen.

• Set up a European Security Council, a kind of cabinet, to make decisions faster: with at least France, Germany, the UK, Poland, Spain, Italy and the EU Commission and European Council Presidents on board. This ESC can coordinate the armed forces integration of participating countries faster and provide a useful ''plan b'' in case NATO cannot be relied upon in an emergency.

• Activate PESCO (through article 42.6), so that the European countries wanting to move faster can do so. Have them deeply integrate their militaries and industries. PESCO already exists but has so far been limited to fragmented ''click and subscribe'' programmes of limited ambition, like a common medical command. This can be done by a majority vote; unanimity is not necessary.

• Centralise research, development, procurement and maintenance of military equipment. Moving to one common tank system instead of 17 will improve interoperability, create economies of scale, and ease logistics. A common authority procures on behalf of participating countries. Defence markets are fully integrated.

• Upgrade the MPCC, the EU's command and control headquarters so it can coordinate large scale collective defence operations. Its functions are currently limited to expeditionary operations taking place under the common security and defence policy (CSDP), like commanding the Rapid Deployment Capacity (RDC).

• Generate a supranational rapid reaction force of 300,000 soldiers. This would fulfil the current European targets under the NATO New Force Model. Unlike the 100,000 multinational forces under step one, this would be a truly integrated force.

• Operationalise article 42.7, the EU's collective defence clause. We need to develop clear doctrines, scenarios, and exercise regularly to make it credible.

• A Eurodeterrent. To prevent nuclear proliferation but ensure a sufficiently credible deterrence posture, countries can co-finance the Franco-British nuclear arsenals and develop a massed, conventional long-range deep precision strike capability.

Step three: Create a European Army under a democratic United States of Europe 

We can do a lot more together within the current treaties, and we don't have time to waste. A European NATO and a core European Defence Union will make sure Europe can defend itself without the US, but this is not sustainable in the long run. As more countries sign up and Europe becomes more of a ''pragmatic federation'' in many other areas, questions will arise about the democratic legitimacy of such a common force. At some point, a united army will require a united democracy to supervise it. Beyond this, a clear chain of command and rapid decision making leading down from a democratically elected government will improve the ability to respond to crises and prevent adversaries from playing ''divide and conquer'' against participating countries. Furthermore, there are limits to how much money can be saved and soldiers can work together without a common military culture. Eventually, we should take the leap to a real European Army.

• Establish the United States of Europe: a democratic, federal state with one foreign and security policy, an elected prime minister and defence minister. A democratic process leads to a common security strategy shared by European citizens. A clear and accountable chain of command improves effectiveness.

• Create supranational armed forces under the command of the United States of Europe, integrating and replacing most of national militaries. Countries can continue operating ''national guard'' style units for home defence. This force would be made up of European volunteers. Its responsibilities would be limited to collective defence of the EU and peacekeeping missions under UN mandate.

• Build a fully European deterrent, under the control of the United States of Europe. Responsibility for the nuclear button should not be dependent on the election outcome in a single European country, but the shared burden of all.

• Cultivate a European military culture from private to general. Common education, training and exercises create a shared culture. By transforming the European Security and Defence College into a full European Military Academy, we create generations of military personnel with a shared sense of civic duty.

• Embrace a high-tech European military doctrine. Europe does not need to fully replace the US to be able to deter Russia and keep our continent secure. Why should we have 10 aircraft carriers? By adopting lessons learned by Ukraine (drones, AI, decentralised networked communication) and leveraging the unique strengths of our own societies, technology and industry, we build a defence that is more cost effective and fit for purpose for our security needs.

None of this is easy, and it will take time to create a culture shift in our militaries. But some countries, like the Netherlands, France, Germany and the Scandinavians are already integrating significant parts of their armed forces. NATO and the EU already operate multinational battlegroups, units like AWACS, transport and refuelling aircraft. It's possible. In a world under threat by imperialism and spheres of influence, Europe needs to be able to defend its democracy, prosperity, values and green future with a European Army.

Suggested reading:

https://www.csis.org/analysis/how-europe-can-defend-itself-less-america

https://www.iiss.org/research-paper/2025/05/defending-europe-without--the-united-states-costs-and-consequences/

https://www.bruegel.org/analysis/defending-europe-without-us-first-estimates-what-needed

https://www.egmontinstitute.be/app/uploads/2025/05/Sven-Biscop_Policy_Brief_379_vFinal.pdf?type=pdf

https://www.foreignaffairs.com/europe/europe-needs-army?utm_campaign=bs,tw&utm_content=&utm_medium=social&utm_source=bluesky,twitter

https://hcss.nl/report/shields-and-spears/

Photo: US Military, Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons

After the kidnapping of Venezuelan leader Maduro and the foreseen occupation of the country to permit access to its oil industry, European leaders get a live example of the new US national security strategy, which calls for regime change to secure US interests around the globe. 

European governments are also being targeted and the US is not hiding its interest to get access to Greenland’s natural resources. Volt calls for a firm response from leaders in Europe. A response that must bring member states closer together.

After the recent events, the international order is dead. Europe should not accept this new status quo, but act by launching an initiative for a reformed international order to be able to hold countries and their leaders accountable - Maduro, Putin, but also the US president.

Borja Ranzinger, Volt Slovenia

If Trump argues that Denmark cannot defend the northern route around Greenland, why doesn’t the European Union step up in support? The EU Rapid Deployment Capacity for peace-keeping and stabilisation has never been deployed - member states could propose a vote in the EU Council and set a precursor for a future European military.

Sven Franck, Volt Slovenia

The U.S. military operation in Venezuela - culminating in Nicolás Maduro’s capture, his transfer to the United States, and President Trump’s declaration that the U.S. will ‘run’ the country until an ‘orderly transition’ - is an open breach of international law and a stark return to the logic of ‘might makes right.’ If anyone still believes in a resilient ‘rules-based international order,’ Venezuela is the live demonstration that such rules are enforced only when powerful actors find it convenient. Europe must draw the only serious conclusion: to uphold our values, we must be prepared to defend them - and that requires real European economic power, military strength, autonomy, and deterrence. In the US National Security Strategy, there is the explicit discussion of using countries like Austria as a lever to divide Europe and prevent genuine European capacity to act. That is why Austria must ask, without illusions, what we will contribute to a capable, united Europe - because neutrality nostalgia is unlikely to be enough.

Karoline Adam, Volt Austria

We must understand that such an action isn’t irrelevant. This event is the return to an order where attacking its weaker neighbor is normal and where national sovereignty is constantly violated by stronger powers. Europe and European leaders cannot accept this order and have the duty to fight to keep the rule of law in the world so that our European values of democracy and liberty can once again strive.

Elliott Fontaine-Pousset, Volt France

We are under no illusions about what Maduro's regime is: an autocracy that brutally represses the opposition. But we cannot condone this undermining of the world order and the United States' predatory approach to resources.. We condemn this American aggression against Venezuela in the strongest possible terms and call on our governments to do the same!

Melvyn Kuetgens, Volt Belgium

Similar releases are being published by Volt chapters across the European Union including statements from members of Volt Slovenia, Volt Austria, Volt Hungary, Volt Belgium and Volt France.

The night train connections from Paris to Vienna and Berlin, operated by the Austrian company ÖBB, will be discontinued from December 14. This announcement comes shortly after the reintroduction of these routes (in 2021 and 2023, respectively). Volt is concerned that a promising project to promote the ecological transport transition is being quietly shelved by governments.

The cancellation is particularly problematic in the Austrian context, as many travelers report difficulties in booking tickets online via the ÖBB app. Availability is often exhausted months in advance, severely limiting access to environmentally friendly travel options. Despite construction work on major rail lines, demand for the connections remains high.

The decision is all the more surprising given that both night train lines had quite high occupancy rates at the start: in 2024, 36,000 passengers used the connection to Vienna and 30,000 to Berlin. However, the train only ran three times a week instead of daily as originally planned, was not listed on important platforms such as SNCF Connect, and poor coordination between national rail networks led to significant delays.

The argument of budget consolidation overlooks the fact that there are still significant tax breaks for fossil fuels, which place a heavy burden on Austria and its neighboring countries. These subsidies are in clear contradiction to Europe's climate targets. In comparison, investments of 5 to 10 million euros per year for the expansion and maintenance of an environmentally friendly rail network that strengthens international connections make perfect sense and are necessary.

In view of the increasingly urgent climate crisis and the growing demand for night trains, Volt Austria calls for the consistent implementation of the conditions for their success instead of ducking behind the short-term failure of poorly coordinated initiatives. These include:

- A clear and committed political initiative to develop a reliable night train network throughout Europe, with a particular focus on Austria as a transit and hub.

- The abolition of existing tax breaks for fossil fuels in order to make sustainable rail transport affordable and more competitive with air travel.

- Improving booking options, in particular through reliable availability and advertising on all relevant platforms.

- Greater coordination between national rail networks to reduce delays and simplify international train travel.

(Joint statement by Volt Austria and Volt France)

Last weekend, the presidents of the EU and the US met in Scotland to agree on a trade deal to avoid the 30% tariff Donald Trump threatened to impose from August 1st. Rushed by member state governments, Ursula von der Leyen returned with a deal that will see 15% tariffs applied on EU exports to the US while the EU levies 0% tariffs on US imports. In addition, the EU agreed to purchase 700B€ of energy, invest 600B€ in the US and to increase purchases of US weapons. 

The price tag for refusing EU integration

The undersigning Volt Chapters regret that the EU accepted such a lopsided handshake deal putting into question our credibility and legitimacy in trade based on the international order. We question not only the urgency for this deal, but also the outcome considering the 235B$ trade deficit Trump criticized in products is offset by a US surplus and quasi monopolies in tech and financial services of 148B€. A 15% tariff without reciprocity to protect EU domestic industries or equivalent taxation of US service providers was by no means justified.

Volt fears that citizens across Europe will pay a heavy price for national governments hijacking negotiations and refusing for too long to address Europe’s structural weaknesses:

• The EU still has no foreign policy doctrine remaining dependent on US protection and support in the Ukraine war, which Donald Trump is using as leverage in his deal-making.

• Member states preach stronger defense but have not made significant steps to at least joint procurement with a European army and command chain nowhere on the horizon.

• Governments prevent real economic integration leaving our EU market “single in name only”, with our industries less competitive and too fragile to absorb external shocks.

• The Commission was rushed by national governments protecting industries with the sum of unilateral interests a far cry from a unified and forward-looking trade policy

• EU decision-making thus remains woefully inadequate considering a geopolitical reality much different from when the underlying EU treaties have been concluded.

This deal is wakeup call. Mario Draghi pointed out many of these points in his report a year ago. Since then, governments now criticizing the EU for a deal they forced, have neither delegated competences to the EU nor allowed reforms. They keep the EU in its weak state and, empty promises or not, with this deal they are buying time. Volt expects this time to be finally  used for EU reforms and to reduce Europe’s external dependencies.

Creating a European future instead of protecting a national past

Specifically, Volt chapters demand the EU Commission and national governments:

• To treat the EU-US deal separately from the Multiannual Financial Framework (MFF 2028-2035) being negotiated. The upcoming “EU budget” should neither be reduced nor diluted or diverted.

• To not enter into a new energy dependency by purchasing close to the annual US LNG production and triple of current imports but instead focussing on increasing renewables as well as grid and storage capacities.

• To ensure military spending beyond the 2% NATO commitment will be financed on a European level focussing on joint purchases with obligatory and increasing quotas for European defence contractors.

• To advance market integration: the 28th regime, the EU public procurement reform and integrated capital markets can only be steps towards unifying 27 different bureaucracies costing us 7% of productivity according to the Draghi and IMF reports.

• To reduce the monopolies of US service providers by means other than tariffs: an EU public payment provider to rival Visa and Master Card is overdue, as are interoperability requirements for social media platforms, a Buy European and a EU small business act.

• To not exempt any country from Carbon Border Adjustments. We need a level playing field for our industries in Europe and beyond - by demanding other economic blocks to follow suit should they want to continue to trade with the European Union.

• To demand a net positive capital flow into the EU from any public investment in the US. The US does not need development aid. Investments beyond taking over initiatives like USAid or Radio Free Europe must have a verifiable positive impact at home in Europe.

Volt expects these points to be addressed in the upcoming September State of the Union address of Commission President Ursula von der Leyen - not by the usual fluffy marketing, but by concrete steps towards EU treaty reforms aimed to render the European Union a capable geopolitical actor. These should not only include internal reforms but also initiatives to salvage the international order - including a new global economic zone and reform of the WTO.

These reforms require true leadership on a European level and standing up to member state governments to rally them towards finding a role within a stronger European Union instead of overestimating their diminishing geopolitical weight. Volt believes that a strong commitment from member states to honor the Spitzenkandidaten process will be a necessity to break with the practice of Commission Presidents depending on the Council instead of the European people and project. Volt is ready to take over responsibility should national governments continue failing to do so.

Volt Austria
Volt Czechia
Volt Hungary
Volt Slovenia
Volt Poland
Volt Slovakia

When the United States of America was founded, the motto was: Unite or Die. Europe, too, is at a crossroads - do we fragment into lots of small and tiny states that are being crushed between the USA, Russia and China and where, in the best-case scenario, Austria is degraded to a Disneyland of the powerful, or do we join forces and think European integration through to the end?

On May 9, 1950, Robert Schuman issued his historic declaration in which he called for a stronger, more united Europe capable of facing common threats together. This vision of overcoming the battles and wars within Europe by pooling the production of the war commodities of coal and steel in France and Germany was the birth of the European Union as we know it today - and the beginning of a period of peace and prosperity the likes of which Europe had never seen before.

Trump, Putin, Xi Jinpin - where does Europe stand?

75 years later, the world is once again at a crossroads. With his protectionism and isolationism, Trump is upsetting the global balance that has been built up over decades of hard work and cooperation. We are surrounded by threats: Tariffs, trade wars, climate change, conflicts at our borders. Putin is challenging peace in Europe, not to mention China. And within our own institutions, we are held back by blockades, vetoes and stagnation.

We Europeans should not tolerate a fragmented Europe paralyzed by its own rules. We should have bold visions - and finally think through the “ever closer union” called for in the 1980s. Because the current EU suffers above all from the fact that in recent decades it has come to a standstill halfway through due to a dispute over national competences (“But I want to keep my power!”) and many things have not been thought through to the end.

Demands of a pan-European party

As a pan-European party, we at Volt say: What we need now is a Europe that is institutionally, economically and militarily resilient. We should also rethink neutrality: Neutral, that can mean not with Russia, China or the USA - but defending ourselves as Europe, with a common foreign and security policy.

We now need a Europe that is strong in trade, sovereign in the digital sphere and capable of protecting its values and its citizens. We need a treaty reform that includes defense as a shared competence. We need a more robust European democracy with open debates that are protected from social media manipulation.

“The peace of the world cannot be maintained without creative efforts commensurate with the magnitude of the threat.” (beginning of the Schuman Declaration)

The time to act is now. We should not stand by and let others make decisions for us: “If you don't deal with politics, politics will eventually deal with you.”

May the 75th anniversary of the Schuman Declaration be remembered as the day when Europe came of age - and grew together.

"The EU is now the world's largest economy." This sentence from the European election manifesto 2024-2029 by Volt highlights the economic strengths and opportunities of this smallest of the five (or six) continents in the world. On the other hand, it is not equally clear and uncontested since when Europe can be seen as a geographical unit. The definition becomes even more difficult if Europe is to be described as a socio-political unit. For then the topic of the historical and cultural diversity of this area of the world inevitably develops and can hardly be grasped conclusively, and quickly associated with it are categories of evaluation that vary between highly positive and deeply negative.

For a relatively short time – in historical terms – Europe has also been seen as an area of socio-political construction, however developing, on the way to an overall state-political structure. In my opinion, this vision can be traced back at most to the post-revolutionary period in France (1797, etc.) and can be related above all to the resistance against a Europe 'united' by the wars of Napoleon's armies. At that time, the emerging 'unifying bond' was the idea of the nation state. However, the coming together against the Napoleonic power and, later, against the aristocratic ruling families in Europe soon changed into the model of competing nation states. The competition between the leading countries around the world then took the form of colonialism and imperialism, before the catastrophe of the First World War broke out in 1914, thus irrevocably revealing to the whole world the power of industrialization and technification that Europe had unleashed.

The decades following the First World War could have served as a time to breathe a sigh of relief and reflect on how the contradictions between industrial production and human dignity, between capitalist exploitation and socially beneficial innovation, could be rethought, controlled and brought into a balance of human and ecological well-being. Instead, examples of mass oppression and coercive life planning were built up, which, under the dictate of racist and/or party-compliant ideologies, led the world into the next catastrophe. Fascism, which emerged in southern and central Europe, was confronted too hesitantly and indecisively, so that it was able to present itself as a successful political movement in the 1930s and celebrated military triumphs (Spain, Ethiopia). When Nazi Germany unleashed World War II, the Western liberal-socialist powers only managed to end this global conflagration and the Holocaust with the help of Stalinist, inhumane sacrifices of huge army units. The fact that nuclear weapons were used in the Pacific theater of war marks the two epoch-making thresholds for human history. German Nazi fascism with the Holocaust and the development and use of the atomic weapon are the dimension-exploding events in the 20th century, both of which, in their effect and significance, will continue to shape the future of humanity for a long time to come. In this respect, the opinion and the resulting belief that fascism had been overcome as a specific problem of the 20th century has proven to be a naive political short-sightedness, as can be seen everywhere. In the same way, the reduction of nuclear weapons, which had created a sense of calm for two to three decades, has once again become a political issue, with the possibility of rearmament and proliferation again on the table.

Many parts of society in the countries of Europe and the world after the double impact of the world wars – 1914-18 and 1939-45 – found themselves in a psychological and moral situation that, in addition to the almost universal need to rebuild a functioning everyday life, still left courage and hope for a fundamentally different world organization. While Bertha von Suttner's warning from 1911 had come true, "that civilization will perish in the war of the future" (Neues Frauenleben, XXIII Jahrgang Nr. 11 Dez 1911), the founding of the United Nations (1945) and the entry into force of the so-called European Coal and Steel Community in Europe (1951) important signs of a new beginning. The latter became the European Economic Community (EEC) in the Treaty of Rome (1957) with the same members, and gradually the European Union emerged from it.

However, with three enlargements in the 21st century (2004, 2007 and 2013) and one withdrawal (Brexit: referendum in June 2016, withdrawal date January 31, 2020), it has now grown into an association of 27 countries and the 'world's largest economic area' mentioned above. Its internal political disunity and thus inability to convincingly present a united front to the outside world remains serious, despite contrary efforts and endeavors, as has now been made quite clear by the 47th President of the United States' termination of the 'Atlantic community'. But the strenuous efforts to maintain the image of the economically powerful EU have long since been unable to paper over the many political cracks within this union: starting with the refugee and asylum problem, which for three decades now can only be seen as a sign of the utmost poverty for the respect of human rights in Europe, or the group of supporters of 'illiberal democracies' led by Hungary, and after the financial crisis of 2008, then the humiliation of Greece with its debt, to which even conservative newspapers like the FAZ stated "that what Europe is experiencing at the moment is not an episode, but a power struggle between the primacy of the economy and the primacy of politics." (FAZ 1.Nov. 11)

But this primacy of politics has always been put in second place in the construction of the EU. The European Parliament has only had the right to approve the EU budget since the Lisbon Treaty came into force (December 1, 2009), but it still has no right to initiate legislation on its own initiative, but can only request the Commission to submit a draft law within 12 months (!), - a truly exemplary way in which 'Europe' can be effective! And as before, Europeans cannot vote 'Europeanly', but must give their votes to national representatives; a supranational election is not provided for. Similarly, the EU's executive body, the Commission, has only very weak democratic safeguards. Section 7.4 of the Volt election program calls for the introduction of a European Senate to replace the Council of the EU, which is to be abolished, in which the respective national parliaments would send an equal number of senators. This Senate, together with the European Parliament, but also with the authority to initiate laws itself, would then have the task of passing EU laws.

In view of the desirable political federal structure of the EU and the demand for much greater transparency in decision-making and processes, point 8 of the Volt election program, 'European Democracy', calls for the creation of a democracy law in which the responsibilities within the EU apparatus are clearly regulated and the participation of citizens is made explicit. In this context, it should be emphasized that the goals of a truly political EU are historically unique: to create a new, identifiable socio-political entity from a union of states with very different nationalities and cultures. It must be clear that this project goes far beyond any historical examples; not to mention the unification of the Swiss Confederation, nor the revolt and victory of the Dutch citizens against the Spanish occupation, nor the secession of the former British territories from the English crown, with the subsequent land grab and the almost complete extermination of the former indigenous people in North America, up to the various national movements in 19th-century Europe, nowhere was there even a rudimentarily comparable, multifaceted and ambitious socio-political goal. To support this path, a type of organization for the participation of European regions in the political self-understanding of the EU is presented here, which should ultimately be established alongside the EU Parliament and the EU Senate as a third pillar for the presentation and adoption of EU laws, and thus the complex diversity of the expected political state form 'European Union' can be steered and governed with appropriate and adaptable, democratic means.

The Committee of the Regions

In the current state of the EU, the European Committee of the Regions (CoR) is a consultative body composed of European bodies.

(officially: consultative body representing regional and local authorities in Europe. The committee members are elected representatives of local or regional authorities. Each country nominates the members of its choice, who are then appointed by the Council of the EU for a five-year term. The number of members per country is based on the population of the countries.

The members of a country form the national delegation, which reflects the political, geographical, regional and local reality of their country.)

Since the committee members are appointed by their respective governments, the resulting delegation should correspond to or at least be close to the premises and political goals of their government. This is by no means undemocratic, as they are all elected representatives, but it does generally preserve the political hierarchy within a nation: the region speaks via the respective national government about European issues.

The fundamentally different view of how the regions could be composed refers to the fact that regions often have more in common in terms of problems, traditions and possible solutions with their direct neighbors, i.e. horizontally, than they do with more distant regions, even within their own nation. Therefore, an attempt could be made here to promote an understanding of regions that transcends national borders, since it is precisely cross-border perspectives that allow for a better understanding of the respective problems of 'the others' and for a better response to them. Existing, already defined European regions in the EU are cross-border areas that have actually been formed as exceptions and on a smaller scale, with an economic focus and no designated political function, which as such could easily be integrated into the political supranational regions.

The Europe of countries or nations is thus joined by another administrative entity, a Europe of regions that transcend national borders. The division presented is intended as an example of a possible solution. Of course, the basic ideas could also be achieved by other conceivable divisions and organizations and must in any case be worked out in detail.

Depending on the population, geographical size and location, all EU countries are regrouped into regions, with each region normally consisting of four to five nationally different parts.

The participation of small and large countries in the regions ranges from a minimum of two to a maximum of five regions: small countries are part of two transnational regions, the largest countries are part of five. The division by population is as follows:

countries with up to 5.5 million inhabitants are part of two regions

            “             from 5.5 to 19 million                    part of three regions

            “             from 19 - 36 million                       part of four regions

            “             from 36 million and more             part of five regions

In all regions, an elected Regional Circle is to formulate the interests, intentions and wishes of the region for the central Regional Conference (e.g. in Brussels) and contribute to their implementation. Each nation represented in a region has 2 secure + 3 vote-dependent seats in the Regional Circle, so this would normally have 20-25 representatives, and for regions that only consist of three nations, there would be 15 representatives. These regional representatives are elected simultaneously by the population of all three or four or five dedicated national sections of each region, crossing national borders. The candidates on the lists for the seats to be allocated in the Regional Circle are to be elected by all those entitled to vote in all the various national sections of each region.

Based on the current situation, 15 people would be elected in each of nine regional groups (so 135 in total), 20 people in each of ten regional groups (so 200 in total), and 25 people in each of two regional groups (so 50 in total). The central Regional Conference would therefore have 135 + 200 + 50 members, or 385 delegates from the regions. The existing Committee of the Regions (CoR) currently has 319 members.

The main focus of the election and the resulting composition of the Regional Conference, in the intended way of strengthening regional interests in the EU, should be the appointment of future EU commissioners and their deputies, with one commissioner and one deputy being proposed per region. This could put an end to the appointment of commissioners by national governments, which has been practiced to date and is widely perceived as opaque, agreed behind closed doors and ultimately undemocratic.

This would not only reduce the number of commissioners; there are currently 21 functional regions, so there are also that many commissioners. This departure from national counting in certain areas would also lead to a much more balanced representation and representation of the population in the EU. While an EU brochure points out the diversity of the size of the states with a not entirely understandable pride, e.g. the population of Malta is 1/205th of that of the Federal Republic of Germany, while in the Europe of the Regions the ratio of inhabitants between the smallest region and the most populous region could be as low as 1/6.5, depending on the actual way of regrouping the nations into constituencies.

In addition to the EU Parliament, the EU Senate reformed from the Council of the EU and now the EU Conference, as the democratic home of the Commission, the latter is to become the third pillar in the building of the EU's legislative initiators and controllers. The procedures for adopting legislation between these three must be explained in an additional text; in any case, the 'informal trilogue' that is already frequently used in the EU will continue to be used and expanded in a practice-oriented manner after the Treaty of Amsterdam (1999).

Regions of Europe (March 2025)                                                  © Volker Thurm-Nemeth

Volker Thurm-Nemeth (born 1944 in Weiden/Oberpfalz) studied architecture at the TU Karlsruhe and TU Berlin, graduating in 1974 under Hermann Fehling. He has lived in Vienna since 1975 and has worked here with a number of architects (O. Uhl, H. Hollein, H. Czech, A. Krischanitz, E. Prohaska, and others). 1977-78 at the University of Manchester (UK) M.A. in Urban Design. From 1979-80 he was involved in the development of self-build modules for the Wilaya Annaba (Algeria). From 1985 to 1987 he worked at the URBACO (urban planning) office in Constantine (Algeria). He is married to Elisabeth Nemeth and together they have two sons. He has had his own office in Mödling and Vienna since 1987. His interests lie in architecture and art history as well as international development.

Publications: Transparent Nr. 1/1976 – Visionarium; Transparent Nr. 3.4/1981 – Architektur + Stadtbau in Algerien; Falter Nr. 16/1983 – R. Buckminster Fuller;  Konstruktion zwischen Werkbund und Bauhaus (Verlag hpt Wien 1998);  Wien und der Wiener Kreis-Ein Begleitbuch (WUV Wien 2003).

Since its foundation in 2017, Volt has been campaigning for the protection of European armed forces in order to be able to withstand threats independently of NATO and the United States - for good reason, as Trump is proving every day at a dizzying pace.

On our own - even flattery won't help

“The US will no longer protect Europe. The Trump administration has made this very clear,” reads the initiative's announcement. It continues: “So we have to defend ourselves alone against the aggressors. While the people of Ukraine struggle to survive and Russia attacks critical infrastructure and interferes in elections across Europe, the United States is turning its back on us and supporting extremist and anti-democratic movements across the continent, as we have seen in Romania and Germany. With these actions, the United States is helping Russia to destroy our peace.”

Europe, grow up!

The party endorses the statements made by President Zelensky at the defense conference in Munich. Karoline Adam, Co-President of Volt Austria, says: “For both Trump and Putin, only strength counts: a weak, divided Europe has brought us to the point where we are no longer sitting at the negotiating table, but are already being negotiated over. Neither Trump nor Putin can be relied on, because diplomacy is in vain if agreements are not adhered to. Now is the time for Europe to grow up - and for Austria to come to terms with the new reality: Being neutral, that could also mean neither NATO nor Putin, but being part of a European defense union!”

The EU must speak with one voice - and make decisions

Anna Strolenberg, Member of the European Parliament for Volt, says: “At the moment, we see European heads of state and government talking to each other talking to each other, but we are still not speaking with one voice. Von der Leyen and Katja Kallas, who represent us, are not in a position to make decisions, and that is why we are literally defenseless against Putin.”

“The meeting between Trump and Selensky has shown that we now need a strong and independent EU. So away from neutrality and towards a common union. That is why we at Volt are calling for a European army to ensure the guarantee the security of all EU citizens,“ says the lead candidate of Volt Vienna, Marek Skalicka.

The idea of a European army

Volt also points out that the idea of a European army did not come about in 1950 precisely because the United States offered the Europeans a strong alternative against the Soviet Union “through a defense guarantee”. But: “Now that this guarantee is over, it is time to return to the original plan. All it takes is the will to act.”

Volt is now collecting enough signatures to hand over the petition to MEPs in Brussels. So far, 10,000 signatures have already been collected.

You can find the full petition here.

“In its history as a European party, the ÖVP has made a decisive contribution to Austria's stability and its role in the EU. At a time of growing global challenges, it is more important than ever that Austria stands firmly by its commitments to the European Union and universal human rights,” reads the letter, which was sent to the federal party chairman Christian Stocker and the ÖVP press spokesman Peter Treml on January 9.

Volt Austria makes following demands:

1. An unconditional commitment to Austria's membership of the EU and an active commitment to a strong, democratic Europe.

2. The non-negotiable preservation of the rule of law and fundamental rights, including the independence of the media and institutions.

3. A clear demarcation from extremist and hateful positions, racism and anti-Semitism.

4. The establishment of an independent control mechanism to monitor compliance with these principles.

There must always be compromises in a coalition - but these must not be made on the fundamental values of democracy itself and European cooperation.

The negotiations between the parties, which took place behind closed doors for over three months, ended abruptly with the withdrawal of the NEOS. Shortly afterwards, the ÖVP also withdrew from the coalition negotiations. What followed was an undignified spectacle of mutual recriminations and a refusal to take responsibility for the fundamental values of the rule of law and liberal democracy. Party tactics and ideological convictions were apparently more important than protecting the republic as such. This step left a political vacuum that the FPÖ - a party known for right-wing extremism, agitation, populist rhetoric, friendship with authoritarian systems such as in Russia or China, but an explicit hostility towards the idea of European unification and the EU as such - now threatens to fill. For many Austrians and everyone living in the country, this outcome signalled increasing instability and led to growing uncertainty about the future direction of the country.

If you also consider that a full three months were spent ‘negotiating’ with each other without the participation of the public (without transparency) before arriving at the present ‘result’, the anger of large sections of the population is quite understandable and the resulting angry reaction: the pressure on the self-destruct button labelled ‘FPÖ’. So far, however, the only reaction of established politicians has been to point hysterically (mutually) at those who supposedly made this decision instead of making an attractive counter-offer. Now, of course, the voters of the FPÖ see themselves confirmed in their opinion that this ‘system’ should be dismantled. Volt would therefore like to offer a counter-narrative: Good offers for a better future for all people in Austria, without moralising but building bridges to those who have been left behind and now see no other way out than to follow those offers that ultimately only harm themselves.

Karoline Adam, Co-President of Volt Austria, commented on the events:

The failed negotiations provided the FPÖ with a golden opportunity. The mutual recriminations and lack of responsibility on the part of those involved have further shaken citizens' trust in the established parties. Instead of presenting clear visions and solutions, an image of power games and system failure was conveyed - precisely the narratives that empower populists like Herbert Kickl.

The start of the ÖVP-FPÖ coalition talks

The ÖVP's announcement that it will enter into talks with the FPÖ raises the question of Austria's future political direction. Volt Austria urgently warns of the dangers of far-right government participation, but recognises the realities and calls on the ÖVP to set clear red lines:

• The guarantee of Austria's EU membership.

• The protection of human and civil rights.

• The exclusion of hatred, agitation and populist divisive politics.

• The preservation of press freedom and free media.

A coalition that fails to protect these fundamental values risks not only Austria's social cohesion, but also its position in Europe.

What Volt Austria demands

Volt Austria sees the current developments as an opportunity to break new ground in politics. Instead of populist bogus solutions, we need a policy that is sustainable, inclusive and forward-looking. There is no doubt that the Republic of Austria, Europe and the future federal Europe are facing major challenges.

We demand:

• Transparency and proximity to citizens: People must be able to regain trust in politics. Decisions must not be made behind closed doors.

• Reforms instead of regression: We are calling for a fundamental modernisation of the state budget that prioritises investment in climate protection, education and social security. Apparently, the issue of modernising the state budget was also a major stumbling block in the failed negotiations. There is no doubt that ideological differences also stood in the way of a solution. There would have been ways to objectively assess the situation and answer key questions in order to reach an agreement.

• A progressive EU policy: Austria needs a strong voice in Europe that is in favour of flexible and modern budgetary rules and a sustainable economic system

An appeal to the citizens

Volt Austria calls on all people in Austria to remain active and work towards an open, just and European future. The political landscape is at a turning point and it is up to all of us to pave the way for a better future - without hatred, hate speech and marginalisation.

Political developments in Europe and Austria clearly show that a stable and capable government is indispensable. In view of the failed government negotiations and the danger of new elections with a strengthening of right-wing extremism, a new approach is needed: Volt stands for courageous politics that takes responsibility and provides sustainable solutions for a progressive Austria in a united Europe.

We are concerned about the increasing political instability in Austria. We do not judge the failed coalition negotiations as constructive and willing to compromise or as responsibly. "The most fatal thing about the failed negotiations: None of the parties involved takes responsibility - only the others are to blame," says Karoline Adam, co-president of Volt Austria.

With the resignation of the acting federal chancellor, there is also a threat of government participation of the far-right FPÖ under a "Volkskanzler" - which we strongly reject! "Austria needs a political change and no regression to hate, exclusion and discrimination," demands Rico Winter, co-president & LGBTIQ+ spokesman for Volt Austria.

The failure of the coalition negotiations also leaves social traces. The growing distrust of the established parties can lead citizens to political disention if they get the impression that party political interests are above the common good. The result: an increase in resignation and passivity, which weakens the democratic culture. Active and constructive participation would be particularly important, especially in challenging times.

In this situation, new political forces such as Volt come into the spotlight. As a pan-European movement, we want to build bridges between different strata of the population and find solutions that go beyond ideological divisions. So that we can strengthen our liberal democracy in Austria and at the same time stand up for a united Europe, for the European Republic, in order to tackle the great challenges together.

In order to be admitted to the 2025 federal election, Volt needs signatures of support for every federal state in Germany - over 27,000 in total across Germany. Volt should do well in some federal states, but in others it could be tight and that would be a double shame. On the one hand, because the chances of winning direct mandates would be lost, and on the other hand, it would of course have a massive impact on the federal result if Volt could not run in all federal states and thousands of votes would be lost. Therefore, we urge you to help Volt in Germany to overcome this hurdle!

Do you know Germans living abroad in Austria? Then tell them about their opportunities to vote or refer them to this page! Or do you live in Austria but are from Germany? Then you will find instructions below on how to register on the electoral roll and submit a supporting signature.

Your signature will help to get Volt into the German Bundestag - and thus send a signal for a new policy throughout Europe!

Incidentally, this is not an obligation to vote for Volt in the Bundestag elections. The decision to vote is of course entirely up to you!

Step 1: Registering on the electoral roll

Who can vote?

Germans over the age of 18 who a) have not been out of the country for more than 25 years OR b) have a demonstrable interest in and level of involvement in German politics. The deadline for entry in the register is 2.2.2025, but it is better to submit the application as soon as possible and preferably at the same time as the supporter's signature, which must be in Germany by 29.12.2024! Here is the page from the Federal Foreign Office with all the information in detail: https://www.auswaertiges-amt.de/de/2441404-2441404

How can I register for this?

Fill out the official form (there is a different form for people who have lived outside Germany for more than 25 years, please refer to the above website of the Federal Foreign Office):

https://www.bundeswahlleiterin.de/dam/jcr/dc589523-d709-4c43-adbc-9342dda468ad/bwo_anlage-2_ausfuellbar.pdf

You can send this form either by post or by e-mail directly to your former home community in Germany!

Step 2: Submitting a supporting signature

Who can submit a signature?

EVERYONE who is registered on the German electoral roll or has registered.

Step 1 - Download the form

Below you will find a file with the signature form to download for your federal state where you were last registered. If your first place of residence was in NRW, for example, you must complete the form for NRW.

Step 2 - Print out double-sided

Please print out the form double-sided (the data protection declaration must be on the back, otherwise the signature is invalid). Otherwise, please sign both sides and staple them together.

Step 3 - Fill in the upper part

You only need to fill in the top section. This includes your first name, surname, address, date of birth, signature and the date. Please make sure that all fields are filled in correctly and legibly. The information will be checked by the Residents' Registration Office and incorrect - or illegible - information will result in an invalid signature.

Attention: After the address, please also add the place where you are registered in the electoral roll, i.e. where your last place of residence was in DE! For example (electoral roll: 46045 Oberhausen) so that your signature can be forwarded to the correct office.

The lower section “Certificate of the right to vote” is filled in by the competent authority. Please do not fill in anything here!

Step 4 - Send us the signature form (by December 29, 2024 at the latest)

You can send the signed forms to your federal state by letter to the address below by December 29, 2024. It is important that you send us the original! Unfortunately, scanned forms are not valid!

Click here for the forms for your federal state!

• Baden-Württemberg: Formblatt für die Landesliste
  Forms for candidates in the constituencies hier
  Please send the original signed forms to this address:
  Volt Baden-Württemberg
  Christiane Fichter
  Seelochweg 1
  78112 St. Georgen im Schwarzwald

• Bayern: Formblatt für die Landesliste
  Forms for candidates in the constituencies hier
  Please send the original signed forms to this address:
  Volt Deutschland Landesverband Bayern
  Welserstraße 33
  81373 München

• Berlin: Formblatt für die Landesliste
  Please send the original signed forms to this address:
  Volt Berlin
  Schwedter Str. 1
  10119 Berlin

• Brandenburg: Formblatt für die Landesliste
  Please send the original signed forms to this address:
  Volt Berlin
  Schwedter Str. 1
  10119 Berlin

• Bremen: Formblatt für die Landesliste
  Forms for candidates in the constituencies hier
  Please send the original signed forms to this address:
  Clemens Nitschke
  Pappelstr. 49
  28199 Bremen

• Hamburg: Formblatt für die Landesliste
  Please send the original signed forms to this address:
  Volt Hamburg
  Postfach 920611
  21136 Hamburg

• Hessen: Formblatt für die Landesliste
  Forms for candidates in the constituencies hier
  Please send the original signed forms to this address:
  Volt Deutschland Landesverband Hessen
  Postfach 10 31 50
  60101 Frankfurt

• Mecklenburg-Vorpommern: Formblatt für die Landesliste
  Please send the original signed forms to this address:
  Volt Deutschland
  c/o D. Vorpahl
  Möllner Straße 6
  19057 Schwerin

• Niedersachsen: Formblatt für die Landesliste
  Forms for candidates in the constituencies hier
  Please send the original signed forms to this address:
  Volt Niedersachsen
  Emsteker Str. 33
  49661 Cloppenburg

• Nordrhein-Westfalen: Formblatt für die Landesliste
  Please send the original signed forms to this address:
  Volt Nordrhein-Westfalen
  Haroldstrasse 24 
  40213 Düsseldorf 

• Rheinland-Pfalz: Formblatt für die Landesliste
  Forms for candidates in the constituencies hier
  Please send the original signed forms to this address:
  Volt Deutschland Landesverband Rheinland-Pfalz 
  Güterstraße 51a
  54295 Trier

• Saarland: Formblatt für die Landesliste
  Forms for candidates in the constituencies hier
  Please send the original signed forms to this address:
  Volt Deutschland Landesverband Saarland
  Bismarckstraße 74
  66121 Saarbrücken

• Sachsen: Formblatt für die Landesliste
  Forms for candidates in the constituencies hier
  Please send the original signed forms to this address:
  Volt Sachsen
  Postfach 320103
  01013 Dresden

• Sachsen-Anhalt: Formblatt für die Landesliste
  Please send the original signed forms to this address:
  Volt Sachsen-Anhalt
  c/o Andy Große
  Nordstr. 7
  06842 Dessau-Roßlau

• Schleswig-Holstein: Formblatt für die Landesliste
  Please send the original signed forms to this address:
  Volt Landesverband Schleswig-Holstein 
  Niemannsweg 18
  24105 Kiel

• Thüringen: Formblatt für die Landesliste
  Please send the original signed forms to this address:
  Volt Thüringen
  Postfach 450117
  99099 Erfurt

Thank you for your support!

There are many reasons why the FPÖ should not be allowed into government - its dangerous proximity to Russia and the risk of international isolation is just one of them. Thus we are writing an open letter addressed to all democratic forces in Austria:

Dear representatives of the Austrian political parties,

It is with great concern that we have taken note of the recent events surrounding the funeral of a former FPÖ district councillor. According to media reports, a song that was used as an SS anthem during the Nazi era was sung at this event, which was also attended by high-ranking FPÖ officials.

As Volt Austria, we see it as our responsibility to draw attention to such incidents. The use of Nazi symbolism and songs is not only prohibited by law, but is also in blatant contradiction to the fundamental values of our democracy.

Strengthening democratic values

We would like to encourage all democratic forces to clearly distance themselves from such incidents and to work together to strengthen our democratic institutions. In times of increasing political polarization, it is more important than ever that we remember our common values and actively defend them.

Call for cooperation

We recommend that all democratic parties work together constructively to form a stable and effective government. Such a government should be clearly committed to the principles of the rule of law, human rights and European integration.

Volt Austria is ready to make a constructive contribution to the political debate and to help find solutions to our country's pressing problems. We are convinced that a positive future for Austria can only be shaped through open, respectful dialog and cooperation between all democratic forces.

Let us work together to strengthen citizens' trust in our democratic institutions and position Austria as a cosmopolitan, tolerant country at the heart of Europe.

Yours sincerely,

Volt Austria

Not only from Volt's point of view, to which the FPÖ is the antithesis. The parties that will enter the National Council - and here we are looking in particular at the ÖVP - should also not help the FPÖ to power. The FPÖ stands for a policy that would harm Austria and isolate it internationally. Here we present four central arguments why the FPÖ should not be part of a government.

1. Anti-European stance and the attack on a united Europe

The FPÖ firmly rejects the European idea of an ever closer union of states. The vision of a united Europe, which is anchored in the foundations of the European Union as an “ever closer union”, is negated by the FPÖ. Instead, the party propagates a “Europe of fatherlands”, a nation-state isolation that would divide the continent into camps. All this with the promise of a “good old days before joining the EU”. A time that never existed. But in times of multiple crises, these narratives catch on. Narratives that can be used to avoid the problems and crises that are relevant today.

You don't have to be a supporter of the idea of a European republic, as we at Volt are. This form of nationalism, which the FPÖ (and, incidentally, its friends in other European countries, such as the AfD in Germany) is promoting, jeopardizes the cohesion of Europe and threatens the peace that the EU has guaranteed for decades. Nationalism is not just an ideology of the past, but a real threat - as shown by the recent, tragic history between the countries of the former Soviet Union - especially Ukraine, but also Georgia and Chechnya. These countries were once in a union, they were a common country. Of course, this is not comparable to the current constitution of the EU, which is based on voluntary participation. But there was still a common market (albeit one with a socialist plan). There was a common currency, a common administration, common transport links, energy supply, defense, etc. There were marriages, there were family ties between the individual republics of the Soviet Union at the time. A few years after these ties were broken (understandably in this case, of course), nationalism quickly gained strength, especially in Russia. One party and one man promised to “make Russia great again”, a return to the good old days. After around 30 years, all this led to the biggest armed conflict on the European continent since the Second World War.

The conflicts between formerly closely intertwined states and societies, as can be seen between Russia and Ukraine, make it clear that nationalism in Europe can once again lead to war. A strengthening of nationalist forces such as the FPÖ could deepen the division of Europe and promote instability instead of strengthening the urgently needed cooperation.

Our lead candidate Ina Dimitrieva also commented on this:

With a person like Kickl in the European Council, Europe will get a second Orbàn who, together with the far-right forces in the European Parliament, will prevent important progress in our Union, such as a comprehensive reform of the EU towards a deepening of social and economic interdependencies between states. The weaknesses of the EU system are only being exploited by him, for example: the right of veto is being used by the FPÖ in a similar way to Fidesz for its own political interests and assertion of power.

2. Dangerous proximity to Russia and risk of international isolation

To stay in Russia: The FPÖ cultivates a conspicuous closeness to Russia and the Kremlin. We remember with a shudder Ms. Kneissl's curtsey to Vladimir Putin. This woman was the former Foreign Minister of the Republic of Austria and she owed this post to her party, the FPÖ. Then there are the conspicuous connections of former employees of the BVT (Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution and Counterterrorism), a ministry that Herbert Kickl once headed as minister when he was not sitting on his horse and/or taking or recommending their deworming medicine. And last but not least, we remember various friendship agreements with the “United Russia” party with its well-known chairman as well as the compliant willingness to lay the oh-so-beloved homeland at the feet of a (supposed) Russian oligarch while drunk on vodka and Red Bull in Ibiza.

The FPÖ's stance on Russia is not only problematic, but also poses a potential security threat. There are already serious warnings from abroad: those responsible in security-related committees of the German Bundestag have indicated that they are considering no longer sharing security-related information with Austria should the FPÖ assume government responsibility. This is based on the FPÖ's close ties to Russia and fears that sensitive information could be passed on to the Kremlin.

In the past, the FPÖ has made it clear through its closeness to Putin and its Russia-friendly policies that the European Union means nothing to it. The “strong Russia” under Putin is a role model for them, which not only makes Austria untrustworthy in the eyes of its European partners, but also weakens European cooperation. A government including the FPÖ would isolate Austria internationally and permanently damage its reputation.

3. Climate change denial and blocking future-oriented policies

Not long ago, Lower Austria experienced what it means not to take climate change seriously. After the Mediterranean warmed to unprecedented heights in a summer of unbroken heat records, a weather situation developed that caused four to five times the normal September precipitation to fall in two to three days. Central Europe was submerged in floods and, of course, neither rivers nor clouds stop at any borders. Livelihoods were destroyed, and in some cases this catastrophe cost human lives. Meanwhile, MEP Harald Vilimsky is enjoying himself at a charity gala organized by the Heartland Institute. This is a really bad think tank, to which we owe campaigns against smoking bans and not least agitation, fundraising and campaigning against measures to save the climate and thus the basis of life for us all. The fact that the who's who of fossil fuel industry corporations are meeting at this gala is, of course, methodical. The FPÖ is the defender of the vested interests of these groups. Of course, they don't want people to look up one floor and discover who is making what soup for whom. It is better for those attending the Heartland Institute's charity gala to look in a different direction - downwards. Towards the socially disadvantaged, the migrants, the weaker members of society. And the FPÖ is naturally a master of this game.

One of the most urgent global challenges of our time, climate change, is therefore categorically denied by the FPÖ for tactical reasons. Presumably, many of those at the levers of this party do not even believe in the blatant nonsense that sometimes comes from this direction (climate change caused by solar flares, by shifting the earth's axis, etc. etc.). Under the slogan “climate protection with common sense”, the party is pursuing a backward-looking and dangerous policy that basically says: “Nothing needs to be done, climate change is not man-made.” This is in clear contradiction to scientific findings and the efforts of the international community to combat climate change.

Austria needs a government that takes forward-looking and courageous measures against the climate crisis instead of denying it. However, an FPÖ-led government would block the much-needed progress on climate protection and isolate Austria while other countries are gearing their economies towards sustainable growth and renewable energy. Austria would fall behind - economically, politically and ecologically.

4. Populism and incitement against “the immigrant”

The FPÖ has built up its voter base primarily through the targeted exploitation of fears, insecurities and dissatisfaction. There is no doubt that we are living in a time of multiple crises. Financial crisis, climate crisis, the corona pandemic, the war in Ukraine and the Middle East. Social and demographic upheavals are also taking place. All of this can understandably lead to excessive demands. In times like these, the FPÖ exploits these fears and directs them against “the foreigner” as a scapegoat, even though this neither addresses the actual causes of inequality (e.g. the current distribution of wealth and tax legislation) nor could it solve any of the above problems. But in a world in which even elementary education is being increasingly economized (learning what will get people into the job market the quickest), such simple solutions are of course not effective. This form of populism divides society instead of offering solutions to real problems such as social inequality and economic insecurity. And it calls for ever more humiliation and disenfranchisement of marginalized groups in order to appease the majority society.

We all know from history where the path of hatred, exclusion and the undermining of basic human rights leads. In any case, a government that focuses on division rather than cohesion will only tear the country further apart.

Conclusion: Austria must not repeat mistakes of the past

The FPÖ may have become the strongest party, but the other parties should by no means pave the way for it to take on government responsibility. Its anti-European stance, dangerous proximity to Russia, denial of climate change and targeted agitation against “the foreigner” make it a party that would isolate and weaken Austria - politically, economically and morally.

Austria's future does not lie in nationalist fortresses, but in an open, united Europe, in our view ideally in a European republic. Parties that adhere to this vision should speak out against cooperation with the FPÖ - for the good of the country and its citizens.

In an open letter, we therefore call on all democratic forces in Austria to work together and form a stable government that is committed to the principles of the rule of law, human rights and European integration.

After a long time, a fully staffed Board can finally get back to work: Rico Winter and Tim Schöneberg will remain as Co-President and Treasurer, with Karoline Adam (Co-President), Laurens Pöschl (Community Lead), Joshua Bayrak (Regional Lead), Sebastian Maurer (Communications Lead) and Erich Adam (Policy Lead) as new members.

The new board now faces the task of preparing Volt Austria for the upcoming elections in cities such as Vienna, Graz and St. Pölten, driving membership growth and fundraising and actively promoting the party's visions of solidarity, transparency and progressive politics.

Here is our new board in detail:

Rico Winter, Co-President, already Co-Federal Party Chair since September 2023, former Youth and Equality Spokesperson and leader of the Salzburg team, is convinced that Volt, as a pan-European party, has the potential to stand up for fundamental values such as human rights, inclusion, freedom and equality across Europe.

Karoline Adam, Co-President, 42, has been with Volt since 2022, studied media and cultural studies and trained as a journalist: “Politics lacks big, bold and, above all, positive visions of what our life in Europe could look like in the future. What could we achieve together if only we worked together at European level instead of competing and blocking each other?”

Tim Schöneberg, Treasurer of the new Executive Board, calls for more Europe - for a progressive and social society! We can only overcome the upcoming challenges and crises together. This requires a strong Austria in a strong Europe.

Joshua Bayrak, Regional Lead, who has been with the party since 2022, is determined to tackle the upcoming challenges together with the new Executive Board and take all the necessary steps to take Volt in Austria to the next level. Europe, Austria and Volt are facing a long and certainly not always easy road. And now it is up to us to take the reins and move in the right direction.

Laurens Pöschl, Community Lead on the new Executive Board, is committed to promoting greater cooperation. Working closely with the existing teams, the aim is to create clear structures that strengthen cooperation and promote the community in the long term.

Erich Adam, Policy Lead, with Volt since 2022: Volt Austria needs a good policy program that sets out our values and positions and can hopefully provide a solid foundation for many more election programs!

Sebastian Maurer, Communications Lead: I want to give Volt a voice to the outside world so that soon all of Austria will know this wonderful party.

We stand for strong cooperation at all levels. Together we want to create new, progressive policies in Austria & all of Europe and at the same time stand up for values such as democracy, human rights & equality.

We would also like to thank the former board members Jessica Sommer and Emanuel Klatzer for their valuable work and commitment!

For interview requests and further information, please contact

Volt Austria press team

presse@voltoesterreich.org

In addition, we would first need another 2,600 declarations of support, which in this country have to be signed in person at the office as pure harassment (although it would also be possible digitally, analogous to referendums...).

We recently launched our supporter database, which you can sign up to if you agree to sign for us. And we are also busy filling it up, because this will make it much easier for us to crack the signature hurdle in the future - but unfortunately it won't be enough for the National Council election yet (!). Nevertheless, we want to show what ideas we have and have put together a short National Council election program. We also have two (symbolic) top candidates who would like to present our ideas to the public.

How you can continue to support us

If you would like to support Volt and our vision of a fair, social, strong and sustainable Europe and want to see it on the ballot paper in the next elections, please register in our supporter database or forward the link to interested friends. And we will write to you when we run with renewed strength in the next elections: From municipal & regional elections to the next european election in 2029. Thank you very much!

On July 8, 2024, the "Patriots for Europe" group was founded in the European Parliament on the initiative of Viktor Orban (Fidesz), Herbert Kickl (FPÖ) and Andrej Babiš (ANO party, formerly with Renew Europe). This group, consisting of nationalist, largely far-right and populist parties, openly aims to dismantle the European Union and establish a system of competing, completely independent nation states. Each of these remaining states should ideally be modeled on the "iliberal democracy" à la Orban - including the dismantling of the rule of law, the flourishing of corruption and the curtailment of free media. They want to dismantle the achievements that have brought us all decades of peace and prosperity on our continent. Spurred on by authoritarian dictators such as Vladimir Putin and Xi Jinping, who want to profit from the division of Europe, the "Patriots for Europe" are striving for a return to a past that they glorify - because this past never existed. So the vision is clear: "Back to the good old days when there was still security, no war, no migration - everyone was happy". But we, Volt Austria and Volt Europe, offer a future-oriented alternative to this backward-looking vision. Our vision is clear: the future rocks, and it will be pan-European.

The "Patriots for Europe" vision for Europe: A step backwards

The "Patriots for Europe" stand for the divisive, the advantage of a few - not the majority. This idea is not only nostalgic, but also dangerous. In a world that is increasingly globalized and interconnected, the fragmentation of Europe is not a solution, but a step towards isolation and weakness. It should be clear that countries like China are not really looking at us Europeans in a friendly way. The view is that of an adversary that wants to bring down and subjugate its opponent. Nothing more and nothing less is the view of today's Russia towards us. The Patriots for Europe parties are selling the concept of the "good old days" - in other words, the past. It should also be clear that fairy tales are being told here. There was never a "good old days". There was the constant threat of burning to death in the nuclear fire of the Cold War, the world was divided into two blocs - partly by physical walls, the poverty of today's emerging countries was indescribable and yes: there was also inflation - sometimes much higher than what is being discussed today. Not to mention LGBTQ+ rights and the emancipation of women. These considerations should make it clear why European integration, the European Union and its credo of "ever closing union" were set in motion in the first place. The poison of nationalism had sparked two devastating world wars - and it was precisely this nationalism that was to be overcome. The "good old days" that the so-called patriots propagate for Europe. But of course, the vision of a glorified past in which "everything was still good" is a catchy one - and not just for the older generation. The world is changing and that creates uncertainty. However, it should be clear that going back to the past is never a good answer to the challenges of the future.

Volt's vision: A united, strong Europe - a European republic

Volt, on the other hand, has a vision of a united Europe that empowers its citizens and gives them the opportunity to actively participate in shaping their future. We firmly believe that only a strong, united Europe - in short: a European republic - can effectively meet the challenges of our time - be it climate change, digitalization or global security. We don't just believe in this vision - we live it. It is practically in our DNA. In our European party organization, in our values, in our (joint) programmes. No one needs to be afraid of losing their "identity" in the creation of a European republic, as the "Patriots for Europe" would have us believe. It should be clear that if anything characterizes us, it is our regional identity. And the example of countless old European regions such as Tyrol shows that state reorganization does not mean the destruction of identity. In a common Europe, it would even be possible to preserve the diversity of historical regions much better than the old nation states ever could. The example of Tyrol rather shows that European nationalism has cut up, damaged and sometimes destroyed old regions.

Empowerment of European citizens vs. empowerment of nation states

While the "Patriots for Europe" are trying to put power back into the hands of the nation states, Volt is focusing on empowering European citizens. We want a Europe in which people have the opportunity to act, live and work freely across national borders, just as it is now possible in the nation states, and all within an orderly framework of (human) law. A Europe that listens to its citizens and involves them in decision-making processes.

A united Europe in response to global challenges

At a time when global challenges such as climate change, economic instability and geopolitical tensions are becoming ever more present, no single nation state can solve these problems alone. The model of the European nation state is more or less a concept of the past. So it is no wonder that the "Patriots for Europe" uphold this concept. Only through cooperation and solidarity can we create a sustainable and secure future for all Europeans. This will create a future worth living for all of us.

The future rocks - and it will be European

We at Volt Austria are convinced that the future belongs to a united Europe. We stand for a policy that builds bridges instead of erecting walls. If you feel the same way, then you can support us. To help us get on the ballot, sign up to our supporter database. When we have enough supporters either for the whole of Austria or for a province (or when we are collecting for future elections), you will receive an email with detailed instructions on how to fill out a declaration of support for Volt at your local magistrate's office. More information here. Of course you can also help us with a small donation or just join Volt - we look forward to hearing from you!

Click here to see our candidate for the 7th constituency

The implications of this election reach far beyond France's borders. Leading politicians have expressed deep concern that they may have to negotiate with a far-right government, making this election a critical moment that will be closely watched by everyone in Europe and beyond.

France's complicated electoral system often requires strategic voting and alliances between candidates who received more than 12.5 percent of the vote in the first round. Normally this means the top two candidates, but the predicted high turnout and lower number of candidates could lead to more "triangular" second rounds - scenarios in which three candidates qualify for the run-off.

In this uncertain environment, Volt has been at the forefront of efforts to unite citizens seeking a more democratic Europe and social and environmental progress. Volt and several grassroots political movements such as 100% Citoyens, Europe Equitable or EUCitizensRoute have joined forces under the banner of the Front européen (European Front) to offer a progressive and pro-European choice in all constituencies and to fight the ultra-conservative and anti-European ideas of the extreme right. However, the Front européen is also committed to doing everything in its power to prevent Le Pen and Bardella from coming to power:

• Call to vote against the far-right in the run-off election.

• Call for the junior candidates to withdraw in the event of a triangular election round, which the far-right could win, in order to prevent vote splitting.

The first round is scheduled for June 30, with run-off elections planned for July 7. French citizens living abroad can vote online from yesterday, June 25 at 12 noon, until June 27 for the first round and from July 3 at 12 noon until the next day for the second round.

The importance of this election cannot be overstated. Every vote cast can make the difference between a Europe that continues to uphold democratic principles and one that succumbs to extremism. Collective action and political activism have never been more important to preserve the democratic ideals that have long characterized the continent. It is crucial for pro-European forces to mobilize, educate and inspire voters to actively participate in this election campaign. The upcoming French parliamentary elections are a defining moment for France and Europe. As we stand on the cusp of potentially transformative change, it is incumbent on every voter to recognize the implications of their decision.

Let's seize this opportunity. Sign up via this Google form to receive information from Front européen on how you can contribute to this campaign.

Click here to see our candidate for the 7th constituency

24 June 2024 - The five Volt MEPs will join the Greens/EFA group in the European Parliament. The decision was announced after two weeks of negotiations and a membership vote by Volt Europa members across the continent. 

Damian Boeselager, MEP and co-founder affirms: “Volt aims to have its own group in the European Parliament to become a truly European party. Until then we ask our members to decide where we sit. I am happy Volt members followed our recommendation to sit with the Greens/EFA, as the Group has been supportive of our mission to act on EU reform, humane migration rules, a competitive economy, the transition to climate neutrality and social justice. We also hope that this strengthens the Greens/EFA to be part of the von der Leyen majority to safeguard the Green Deal.”

Anna Strolenberg, MEP: “The fight against right-wing populists is at the heart of Volt´s agenda and one of the reasons why the movement was founded. To us, the Greens/EFA is among the groups that is most credible in countering right-wing populism and it is clear that Volt members, from all over Europe, feel the same.”

The five MEPs explained the decision in a press conference on Monday.  Please contact Pauline Raabe (pauline.raabe@volteuropa.org) to receive further information.